It´s been hard for SPA leaderships to acknowledge the fact that their rule of political consensus has come to a logical end with the people´s elected representatives of Constituent Assembly. If the main political parties simply fail to make political consensus on issues due to their differences then issues with their different agenda must be brought to the ballot of Constituent Assembly for legislation.
Main political parties´ weeks long current standoff has proved that the status quo of political consensus of SPA has practically failed mainly on the issue of electing first president or the constitutional head of the state without whose attendance the resignation of the interim Prime Minister and his cabinet and the formation of a new government becomes by democratic standard constitutionally illogical. The president must be elected first for nation to move forward with its new democracy. Now it can only be resolved with the ballot of Constituent Assembly.
It was the most reasonable choice that the Maoist party came up with for electing the first president either political or non-political from one of the indigenous ethnicities – hill or plain. The choice can render a transparent resolution to the current political standoff with the new chapter in the history of modern Nepal. The preference can also deliver national tribute to all Nepali indigenous ethnicities - Janajati, Dalit and Madhesi with the first elect president of the federal democratic republic Nepal.
Basically, without the renaissance of indigenous ethnicities in the contemporary socio-political movements of modern Nepal, Nepal could have never been declared a secular state. It is because of their diverse cultural presence in the nationhood of Nepal since Neolithic period of human history Nepal has become a secular state despite centuries´ invasive Hindu rule.
Practically, Maoist party´s insurgency or people´s war could have never been possible without the overwhelming participations of young men and women of indigenous ethnicities – both from plains and hills of Nepal in its People´s Liberation Army. The politics of Maoist party leaders alone could have never been effective in the grass-root level without the armed insurgency of the large number of indigenous nationalities, Dalit and Madhesi ethnicities. Twelve years´ insurgency was not a joke but the sacrifice of more than twelve thousand people´s lives – either the lives of victims or the lives of Maoist insurgents.
No matter how much NC and UML parties have contributed to bring this current change without the sacrifice of Maoist armed-insurgents in the grass-root level these political parties could have continued with the status quo of old regime and the Maoist leaders would have remained ever exiled in the large cities of India. It is because of the most political parties´ leaders are dominantly upper caste Hindu elite, particularly in NC and UML more than Maoist, in the end of struggle they are the ones who wind up grabbing power. This has been the history so far. That´s why the current political standoff exists.
However, this time if not main political parties but Maoist can make difference nominating a non-political or political endogenous ethnic personality for the president to be elected through the ballot of the Constituent Assembly, a new chapter in the history of modern Nepal might begin. UML as one of the main political parties should support the agenda with its own candidate who can symbolically represent the indigenous ethnicities. Maoist leaderships must not compromise with UML for its non-indigenous candidate, which is counterproductive for both parties in the long run.
Obviously, if the political consensus could not be made then the best for all qualified political parties is to compete for the vote of Constituent Assembly. It is unreasonable of NC to keep insisting on the mutual political consensus for the appointment of the president without defining prerequisites for guideline to reach political consensus. For example, if the appointment of the president could be a political for any leader such as GP Koirala or MK Nepal then standoff is inevitable for the political consensus. In that case, the candidates must competitive for the vote of Constituent Assembly.
It is without electing a president the formation of a new government cannot be constitutionally logical because nowhere the resignation of the interim Prime Minister and his government cabinet can be submitted if not in vacuum without the presence of the head of the state. Therefore, the main political parties should have thought scrupulously defining prerequisites for the candidate of the president without their party politics for honoring their own leaders.
However, Maoists have given up their ambition for their chairman. But for NC it has been very difficult to let go their octogenarian leader without becoming the first president despite the objection of Maoist party and unfavorable political development. People are apprehensive of GP Koirala as a president of NC with their past experience that he will make hard for any change that are necessary for a new democratic establishment if he becomes the president. As a result, NC is seen as one of the barrier of indigenous nationalities, Dalit and Madhesi ethnicities for their socio-political and economic inclusiveness in the evolution of Nepal´s contemporary democracy.
NC has been the guru of the politics of double standard in the history of Nepali democracy – free competition but making arbitrary political appointments; call for inclusive democracy yet forceful resistance; political consensus if only NC´s agenda is acceptable; commissions for justice yet keeping up with the tradition of impunity; and so on. Another main political party UML has so far followed the same trend in Nepali politics. For example, endorsing inclusive democracy yet excluding indigenous ethnicities deliberately in its representations. UML is the party overwhelmingly dominated by the communist pundits of the upper caste Hindu Brahmins.
The means of political consensus that GP Koirala has been setting out for the party unity has therefore come to an end with NC taking position of opposition in Constituent Assembly and UML claiming its political share for the presidency. The nation cannot move with its one leg on one boat and other in another boat. The ballot of Constituent Assembly for electing the first president must begin with the consensus of the simple majority unless major political parties reached the political consensus to write new chapter in the history of modern Nepal. Nepal as a new democratic nation must tribute the renaissance of indigenous ethnicities – Janajati, Dalit and Madhesi for their inclusiveness in the socio-political and economic evolution of the modern Nepal. It is main political parties´ obligation to select over 75% of the 26 seats of Constituent Assembly for political appointment from indigenous ethnicities, if they really tribute the renaissance of Janajati, Dalit and Madhesi et hnicities of Nepal.
Prakash Bom
June 8, 2008
